The present field experiment examines the relationship between self-awareness, violation of personal space and helping behavior. A beggar asking for alms on the streets. To induce the first experimental condition, the state of objective self-awareness, the beggar had a mirror at chest height, suspended from a string round his neck. In the control condition, in place of the mirror, the beggar held a similarly dimensioned piece of cardboard in the same position. Both mirror and cardboard bore the message "A FEW PENNIES THANKS." As concerned the second experimental condition, the beggar either stood still waiting for people to come up to him, or walked toward the people as they approached, thereby entering their personal space. The results show that anxiety caused by the violation of personal space interacts with the self-awareness in determining the helping behavior.
Self‑awareness theory (Duval & Wicklund, 1972) looks into social processes using the idea of discrepancy reduction. In a sense self‑awareness theory is a theory of the superego: People carry with them numerous, culturally‑derived standards or values, many of which are relatively universal, such as honesty or taking care of others in need. Others are more personal, such as possessing conservative, capitalistic values versus socialistic values. The theory indicates that these standards remain latent until the individual becomes self‑aware, and that in the self‑reflective state, individuals become attentive to possible discrepancies between their standards and behaviors. With respect to past or present behaviors, this implies that self awareness brings the person into a self‑evaluative mode (see Ickes, Wicklund, & Ferris, 1973), and regarding future behavior, implies that the person will increase his/her efforts to bring behavior into line with the salient standard (Carver & Scheier, 1981; Duval, Silvia & Lalwani, 2001; Gibbons, 1990; Wicklund, 1975; Wicklund & Eckert, 1992). In the arena of pro‑social action, this means that self-awareness should move a person to help more – to manifest altruism – a thesis that has seen some empirical support (Duval, Duval & Neely, 1979; Gibbons & Wicklund, 1982).
Data were collected in a natural setting. A fellow researcher, dressed like a homeless person, wandered around asking people for money. As he went about his begging, different experimental conditions were introduced. For the first two, using a mirror, he induced a state of self-awareness in people walking by – when asked for money people could see their own image reflected in the mirror- . In the second two conditions, a cardboard sign was substituted for the mirror. The presence of the mirror is intended to induce self awareness in those passers by contacted by the experimenter; the cardboard represents a control condition. In our hypotheses, self awareness should promote altruistic behavior and thus enhance the amount of donation. However, this result should be moderated by self worry: participants concerned by their own personal safety should be less ready to give money to the beggar even when they are highly aware of themselves. As mentioned above, various studies have highlighted that, when a person is worried, when he/she experiences personal anxieties or feels to be under examination or evaluated by other people, the self-worry can inhibit altruistic behavior. This is probably because such individuals concentrate exclusively on themselves, paying little or no attention to the needs of others. Alternatively, this effect can be explained by the fact that the negative mood that springs from a state of self-worry interferes with altruistic responses (Aderman and Berkowitz, 1983; Berkowitz, 1972; Kidd and Marshall, 1982).
The present study is an attempt to analyse experimentally the outcome of objective self awareness outside the walls of the lab, where it usually have been investigated. In a natural setting helping behaviour seems to depend on self awareness but other contextual variables also play a significant role. We manipulated self worry using the violation of personal space and when this happens the effect or self directed attention vanish. Many other contextual factor that may make people feel uncertain or insecure or preoccupied for the future may challenge the altruistic behaviour strategy used to reduce self discrepancy. In sum the outcome of objective self awareness in real life may be more rare and difficult to observe compared to laboratory situation.
Googled Wicklund Message...
To Benjamin Kidd, 2 February 1898.
Dear Mr Kidd,
I am much obliged for the new edition of your great book. As you know I do not entirely agree with what you say as to the ultra-rational. I she put ultra-solid often in place of that word. But that does not hinder my rejoicing at your wonderful & continuous success. I send you in return the smallest of trifles.
Yours Sincerely | Alfred Marshall
To Benjamin Kidd, 2 February 1898.
Dear Mr Kidd,
By ultra-sordid -not a very good word anyhow- I did not mean very sordid, but outside of sordidness. Perhaps, I she not have said anything on a subject on wh a little is apt to be mistaken, & a full explanation is beyond the bounds of a letter. I will only say that my own ethical creed, or rather basis of a creed, is definite, was formed laboriously after a study of the chief metaphysical & theological writers on the subject, & is ultra-rational (i.e. outside of reason) in the same was as my geometrical creed is, but only in that way. I believe also that I act up to the passage you refer to in my 'Old economists & new & I do not feel at all sure that ethical creed of the future will be the same as that of the present. Eg if the present drift towards New-womanhood she go far, I think stable monogamy may be endangered. Bt I do not expect it will go far.
I fear there is no decently good account of nineteenth century economic growth. I am always urging on historical economists that no century is as interesting as this: but nothing is done. I am accumulating a good deal of information chiefly from current literature: I probably shall not live to use it as I had hoped.
Gladstone is a hero of mine as a person, but not as a thinker. Yet on such subjects I think he always illuminates. You might took at an article by him in XIX Century Feb 1880: also at a speech of his at the Adam Smith centenary dinner.
I don't recall that you have referred to Bagehots Physics & Politics: it is not on this point; but you wd like it.
So far as modern world facts go, there is a rather blatant, but marvellously well informed book up to 1889-Well's Recent Economic Changes.
Among common histories. Walpoles seem to me the best; better than Social England, wh is hollow.
In all these there is nothing except Bagehots book, wh is not to the point, that seems to me touched by the divine spark.
Yours Truly| Alfred Marshall
From Benjamin Kidd, 15 February 1898 (incomplete)
Dear Professor Marshall
Many thanks for your letter and the information. The references you have given me will, I think, prove of assistance to me. What you say of Bagehot is interesting. I read the Physics & Politics when my mid was unformed and beyond a deep impression I received from it of the presence and permanence of large general forces at work in Society I did not gain further at the time. I will certainly read the book again after your remarks. I often hear of it now, and no doubt I shall understand the Author better. I am interested in what you say of history in the 'Old Economists & the new. You express my own view exactly as to the fragments of history with which the historians occupy themselves. But I am sometimes inclined to think things have not too far to be radicaly altered. There was a time when the term'History' might have been made to mean a history of society in a scientific sense but the historian seems to have….